Wednesday, December 10, 2008

By Ezrom Serame Mokgakala
Toronto, Canada
June 03, 2008.



Imagine an International Competition of Blind Hockey Players at the Olympic Games. That is the goal of Mark John DeMontis, a twenty-one year old third year student of the University of Western Ontario, in St. Cathrines, Canada. Mark has lost his central sight and relies on peripheral vision, because of Leber’s Optical Neuropathy, a decease that left him legally blind. It is a decease that is inherited from mother to child, especially the male child.

Like many Canadian youths, the 5’8” Mark has always had a dream to be part of a National Hockey Team that will win a gold medal for Canada at the Olympic Games. He also had his eyes on a possible National Hockey League career, where he had already attracted the attention of some scouts. However, his dream suffered a serious setback when he developed the disabling decease.

The multi-talented Toronto born young man had everything going for him. Not only was he a brilliant high school student, he was also a star hockey player and was also on his school’s baseball team. Mark is also a gifted communicator and a Performing Artist who won an award for his part in acting Macbeth. He was editor of his high school magazine and is also a powerful public speaker, who was a valedictory of his class. He is presently a third year student at the University of Western Ontario where he is studying a Degree in the Media and the Public Interest.

Mark did not let partial blindness deter him. He joined the Ice Owls, a team of blind hockey players of all ages, some of whom had great hockey skills. They have played Hockey throughout the country raising funds for several community projects. He has also perfected his skating skills and is encouraging other blind Canadian hockey players to engage in the game that is a national pastime in the country. To this end, he has, along with some supporters, formed Courage Canada, a national charity that is dedicated to promoting his objectives of teaching blind people to acquire skating skills, play hockey and build a Canadian Blind Hockey Association.

At the moment Mark has set his sight on the Vancouver Winter Games. He plans to skate all the way from Toronto to Vancouver where he plans to raise awareness of his goal to bring access for blind hockey players from around the world to international competition.

“Although I have lost my sight, I have not lost my vision,” says the energetic young Canadian. He might have also added that he has not lost his mission to bring Blind Hockey Players to the Olympic Games.

If you want to contact Mark, visit his website at; Couragecanada.ca or call him at:
1-416-742-5600. Or toll free at1-866-580-8891

Tuesday, December 9, 2008

The Kampuchean Experience
By Ezrom Mokgakala


The writer is a member of the Central Committee of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and a member of the High Command of the Azanian Peoples’ Liberation Army. He was a leader of a group of cadres of the army who were sent to Kampuchea to learn from the Revolutionary Movement of the People of Kampuchea in 1978. This is his report after a study that lasted eleven months

THE LESSONS OF KAMPUCHEAN HISTORY

Like all human society, the Kampuchean society has evolved from the primitive stage, through to slavery, feudalism, capitalism and is now emerging as a socialist society. A study of the history of the people of Kampuchea reveals a people who have survived a long, bitter struggle against political oppression and economic exploitation.

From this history, two main lessons can be drawn. The first is that the people of Kampuchea are a heroic people who have fought and defeated local and foreign oppressors. They triumphed over French colonialism and Japanese and American imperialism. They have also fought local oppressors, sometimes fighting with their bare hands. From this lesson we can conclude that they are truly a courageous people who deserve the praise and service of all true revolutionaries.

The second lesson is that in spite of their heroism, their sacrifices have for a long time been to no avail. Although the people sometimes won great battles, they were often betrayed by their reactionary leaders who lacked a correct political line.

A CORRECT POLITICAL LINE

“A correct political line springs from the people themselves, it cannot be copied from other countries,” said Comrade Hong, President of the Kampuchean Committee for Friendship with other countries. “A correct political line will ensure that the victory of the people is not betrayed.” He continued.

Comrade Hong emphasized that “after correctly drawing the lessons of the history of the Kampuchean people, the leaders of the revolutionary people of Kampuchea realized that the people will fight the enemy unflinchingly despite the brutality of such an enemy. Further more, a correct political line will unsure self reliance on the part of the vanguard of the revolution. No foreign power will be able to influence the direction of the struggle. Backed by a correct political line, the leadership of the struggle shall not beg for a single rifle from any foreign power. “The power of a people is more dynamic than any number of guns.” Said Comrade Hong.

The need for a correct political line was realized during the struggle against French colonialism. The people had been winning great victories, having liberated more the seventy-five percent of the country when, faced with imminent collapse, the enemy called for peace talks in Geneva, Switzerland. However, when the conferees met in Geneva, no Kampucheans were invited to seat at the table. They were told to follow the dictates of the Communist Party of Indo-China, which was itself following the dictates of a super-power. The people of Kampuchea were again betrayed by their friends.

From 1954 the struggle for the liberation of Kampuchea went into what others referred to as a peaceful stage. However the enemy violently intensified the oppression and cruelly exploited the people. During this stage, 90% of the revolutionary forces were eliminated by violent means. Mass arrests, torture and assassinations became the order of the day. Internationally the revolutionary movement was also in disarray as revisionism raised its ugly head. The vanguard of the Kampuchean Revolution was forced to seek a correct political line from the history of the people.

A committee of senior cadres of the struggle was appointed to make a scientific study of the concrete conditions under which the struggle was waged. Basing themselves on the positive and negative experiences of revolutionaries at home and abroad, the committee recommended, among other things, the formation of a self-reliant vanguard party to lead the masses. This led to the formation of the Communist Party of Kampuchea in September 1960.

THE FIRST CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF KAMPUCHEA

The first Congress of the Communist Party of Kampuchea was held secretly at a railway compound in the City of Phnom Phenh, the capital city of the country. Its major tasks were the formulation of the Party’s Political Line for the National Democratic Revolution, the adoption of the Party’s Constitution and the election of the Party’s Central Committee. This had to be done strictly in that order.

The Central Committee immediately set about an analysis of the Kampuchean society along Marxist-Leninist Lines. This analysis revealed that 85% of the society was made of the peasant class. That this class represented the most politically oppressed and economically class exploited and that The National Democratic Revolution meant the emancipation and empowerment of this class. The mobilization of this class became of strategic importance. Congress therefore resolved to organize the peasantry to overthrow their oppressor and take political power. All cadres of the Party were trained to implement this resolution in the most determined and resolute manner by living among them and seeking no foreign advice in carrying out this task. They had to rely entire on the ingenuity and creativity of the masses. The road to the armed struggle was clearly set.




IDENTIFYING THE NATURE OF KAMPUCHEA’S SOCIAL PROBLEMS

Identifying the nature of the country’s social problems required following a correct, scientific political line. An observation of these problems revealed that the country was under foreign occupation and the US was the major occupying power. This observation was done by studying the cultural, economic, political and military institutions of the country. Kampuchea had paper independence. It was a neo-colonial country under US led imperialism.

The struggle for true independence therefore meant a determined effort to challenge and overthrow western imperialism in the country through the mobilization and education of the peasantry who had a very strong hatred of their oppressors as they carried the cruel and heavy brunt of this brutal social burden.

MOBILIZING THE PESANTRY:

An extensive study of the peasant question was undertaken by the Party. Cadres of the Party were sent out in the country side to live among the peasants and gain a clear understanding of the reality of the existence. For instance, at TMAR KUOL VILLAGE, it was found that more than 90% of the land belong to less than 1/1000th of the population and at DUAN TEY, a village just outside the City of KAMPONG CHAM, a pair of short trousers cost 500 kg of grain, set against the fact that that could feed a family of five for the whole year. (An individual could survive on 100 kg of grain for the whole year.)

Because of his wretched existence, his poor health and education, the peasant became the hard core, the very mainstay of the National Democratic Revolution. Because of the strategic importance of this class, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kampuchea resolved to settle in the country side, among the peasantry. Within a year, 90% of members of the Central Committee had relocated to the countryside.

PEACEFUL METHODS OF STRUGGLE:

After the Geneva Conference on the future of Indo-China, Kampuchea, which was not represented at the conference table, became a Neo-Colonial Feudal State with political power in the hands of the Royal Family. Revolutionaries were persuaded to lay down their arms. Although widespread discontent continued in the country, attempts were made to achieve National Democracy by peaceful means through the new Peoples’ Party. The new party tried hard to win democracy to no avail. The regime intensified its oppression and exploitation of the people using intimidation, torture and assassinations

The Communist Party of Kampuchea mobilized angry workers and students by through peaceful demonstrations. An angry crowd of demonstrators march to the US Embassy in Phnom Penh, pulled down the US flag, tore it to threads and forced the government to break ties with the US Imperialists and exposing the need to seize power from the reactionary Lon Nol regime. The time for an armed struggle had arrived. To achieve this, the Central Committee resolved to build A PEOPLES’ REVOLUTIONARY ARMY.


ISOLATING ENEMY AGENTS:

The Central Committee of the Kampuchean Communist Party identifies Seven Great Traitors of the Revolution who were led by LON LOL and included SIRIK MATAK, CHANG HENG, IN TUM, LONG BARET SON NGOC and SOSTTENE FERNANDEZ. These men were committed to the defense of US IMPERIALISM, and as such, became the targets of the revolution.

Because of the contradictions at play in any revolutionary situation, it is sometimes necessary, for tactical reasons, to neutralize some reactionary elements. An example of such elements in the case of Kampuchea was a pair of gentlemen going by the names of Sam Sary and Sim Var. Both had a burning desire to be members of parliament. The Party decided to support Sim Var as he was the less reactionary of the two. The Party decided to use Sim Var as an editor of a French Language paper that launch a virulent campaign against Sam Sary until the later decided to flee the country. Sim Var was later appointed ambassador to Japan where his CIA connections were exposed.

The Kampuchean Experience also shows that some enemy agents can be won over to the side of the revolution. An example of this is Prince Sihanouk who from being a target of the revolution came to side with the revolution.

Enemy forces can be classified as those that can be won over, those that can be neutralized and those that must be isolated and eliminated.

BUILDING A PEOPLES’ LIBERATION ARMY;

A PEOPLES’ LIBERATION ARMY is composed of a cadreship with a high political consciousness that is guided by a correct political line which is grounded on the objective and concrete conditions under which the oppressed masses live. Such a cadreship must have a strong hatred of the oppressor.

To be successful, such an army must be highly self-reliant in acquiring arms. It must manufacture its own weapons or capture them from the enemy forces. Experience has taught Kampuchean revolutionaries that even the best of friends have their own interests which may not be similar to those of the people. Such friends may withhold weapons at a crucial time which may cost the revolution dearly. The Kampuchean Experience has taught us that revolutions are not won with weapons from foreign countries. The liberation army must arm itself by making its own weapons or capturing them from enemy forces. This principle encourages the army to use weapons with maximum efficiency.

During the National Democratic Revolution in Kampuchea, the Liberation Army relied heavily on the support of the peasantry and the working class. The National Bourgeoisie and the Petty Bourgeoisie were complementary forces as some of them tended to side with the oppressors and exploiters.

ENGAGING IN MASS ACTION:

The first line of action is to infiltrate existing peoples’ organizations and creating them where they do not exist. Organizations like burial societies, cultural and sports groups provide fertile starting points. The purpose of infiltrating and building these organizations is to give them a higher political consciousness and gradually raise their class hatred of their political oppressors and economic exploiters.

Experience shows that it is the poorer members of the community who will take an active part in the running of these organizations. The richer classes of society tend to be satisfied with only providing financial support. Party members can provide valuable and visible support as they are seen standing side by side with grieving family members by the graveside of their loved ones, or helping to manage local sports and other cultural groups. This offers them an excellent opportunity to spread the party line among the masses. Party cadres can also play a leading role in improving literacy and economic development in the community by participating in or creating relevant programs. Remember that these organizations must be legal to have maximum impact.


FIGHTING THE ENEMY FORCES:

To fight the enemy forces, the Central Committee decided to build a Revolutionary Army. To build this army, they decided to move to the remotest and poorest area in the country where they created the first Base Areas of the Revolution where revolutionaries were trained both militarily and politically. The first line of action was to win the support of the local population by bringing in improved health and other social facilities and increasing their political consciousness. It is important to make the local population to buy into the revolution. They must see the practical benefits of supporting the struggle against the enemy. Remember that making A Peoples’ Democratic Revolution means bringing a new and improved life to the oppressed and exploited masses. Life in the populations surrounding the base areas must demonstrate these benefits. In this way, they will help defend the revolution against enemy forces.

The Revolutionary forces must always try to maintain the initiative when dealing with the enemy. Attacking him only when they are strong enough to embarrass him, harassing him when he is at rest and neutralizing him when he tries to recruit new forces. In this way, the enemy will gradually loose morale and his fighting capacity will be weakened. Meantime the revolutionary forces will be gaining experience and enjoying higher morale and rising political consciousness.
The Armed Struggle in Kampuchea started in January, 1968 in Battambang Province, when about ten rifles were captured from the enemy. Although the peasants were strong enough to inflict a telling blow to the reactionary forces, the Central Committee intervened to stop the peasants from overthrowing the enemy as they could not strategically defend the victory. The second attack happened in the following month, where the revolutionaries captured about two hundred rifles. Fighting then spread throughout the country-side but the enemy became more careful in protecting their rifles, but the people fought heroically, sometimes using their bare hands and any thing that they could lay their hands.

They enemy responded with increased repression, sometimes eliminating entire villages. It became important to defend the people. Most of the people in liberated villages were resettled in the base areas. By the end of the year more 60,000 people were resettled in the main base area where the Central Committee was housed.

From its inception, the Communist Party of Kampuchea was a secret organization because the reaction regime had banned Communism in the country and launched a violent propaganda campaign against the idea. They eliminated all known Communists by assassination and created fear among the people by false propaganda. For instance, they spread the belief that Communists used the sickle to pull people by the scruff of their necks and used the hammer to knock their heads hard, thus killing them. Because it would have been too costly to counter this propaganda, it was decided to ignore the propaganda and work secretly among the people. The Central Committee decided to build a National United Front, which was very effective in leading the people to final victory.

N.B. THIS REPORT WAS FIRST PUBLISHED IN IKWEZI VOLUME 11 MARCH, 1979. IT HAS BEEN SLIGHTLY EDITED TO FIT THE MICROSOFT WORD FORMAT. THOSE INTERESTED IN THE ORIGINAL WILL FIND IN THE INTERNET WHERE IT HAS BEEN IMMORTALIZED BY THE DIGITAL PROJECT OF REVOLUTIONARY MATERIALS WRITTEN DURING THE APARTHEID YEARS.

Tuesday, April 22, 2008

Acceptance Remarks:South African Freedom Day Awards

Please bear with me as I attempt to compress a narration of more than fifty years of history in twpo munites. The list of people to thank will test anyones willingness to listen. Except for my late mother, my wife , my sons and more especially my Grandson, little Rahim Serame Mokgakala, I will invite everyone else to please visit our website at Ezrom Mokgakala and Family for more details.

I was running errands during the Defiance Campaign of 1952. I remember attending a public meeting addresseed by the Rev. Tantsi at Lady Selbourne Township in Pretoria, now called Tswane. I was a student leader before I went to High School. This honour is the fourth for since arriving in Canada. I was given a New Pioneers Award for Leadership by Skills for Change in 1994. Another Award came in 1997 from the Toronto Refugees Council in 1997, followed by one from CultureLink in 2000. This one has a special place in my heart. It comes from my home base.I thank everyone who has made this one possible. Thank you one and all.